Artikel vom 15. August 2000
Biografie: George W. Bush jr. wurde 1946 in New Haven,
Connecticut, geboren, als sein Vater noch Student in Yale war. Die Bushs
zogen 1948 nach Texas, wo der Junge zusammen mit Geschwistern (darunter eine
Schwester, die im Alter von drei Jahren an Leukämie verstarb) aufwuchs.
Von 1964 bis 1968 studierte George W. Bush jr. an der Yale
University, wo er in Geschichte graduierte. Von 1968 bis 1973 diente als Pilot
einer F-102 in der Texas Air National Guard, verstand es aber, nicht
nach Vietnam einberufen zu werden. 1975 erwarb er einen MBA an
der Harvard Business School. Er begann seine berufliche Karriere 1975
im Öl- und Gasbusiness von Midland, wo er bis 1986 tätig war. Danach
arbeitete er für seinen Vater in der Kampagne für die Präsidentschaft 1988. Bush jr.
kaufte 1989 mit Partnern das Baseball Team der Texas
Rangers, half ein neues Stadion bauen und arbeitete als einer von zwei Managing Partnern
des Teams.
Der 54jährige George jr. ist nicht nur der
Sohn des Präsidenten Bush, sondern machte selbst auf dem politischen Parkett
von sich reden. Nachdem er 1978 mit 47% eine Kongresswahl für die GOP gegen den Demokraten Kent Hance
verloren hatte, gelang ihm 1994 mit
53.5% überraschend ein Sieg im
Kampf um den Gouverneursposten des Bundesstaates Texas gegen die Demokratin Anne Richards. Vier Jahre später wurde Bush jr. mit eindrücklichen
68.6% wiedergewählt. Dazu trugen die 49% der Hispanics und 65% der Frauen
bei, die ihn wählten. Er erwarb sich Verdienste um die Verbesserung der
Zusammenarbeit mit der demokratischen Opposition in Texas. Gleichzeitig mit
der Erhöhung der Ausgaben für Schule und Erziehung in seinem Bundesstaat
setzte er eine
umfassende Steuererleichterung durch.
Bush hat sich wiederholt offen gegen die
in Texas mächtige religiöse Rechte gestellt. Er setzte sich für die Rechte
der Homosexuellen in der GOP ein, brauchte danach aber viel Zeit, ehe er sich
zu einem Treffen mit ihren Führern innerhalb der Republikaner durchringen
konnte. Bush gilt als gewinnende
Persönlichkeit, die jedoch Probleme mit dem "vision thing" hat. Von
Kritikern wird er als "intellektuelles Leichtgewicht" abgetan.
Immerhin versteht er es, sich mit Männern und Frauen wie Colin Powell, Dick
Cheney und Condoleezza Rice zu umgeben, denen eben diese Fähigkeiten nicht
abgesprochen werden können.
1977 lernte Bush seine Frau Laura Welch kennen. Drei Monate
später heirateten sie. Laura ist eine ehemalige Lehrerin und Bibliothekarin,
die ebenfalls in Midland aufwuchs. Die Bushs haben zwei Töchter (18jährige
Zwillinge). George W. Bush jr. ist der Enkel des verstorbenen Methodisten
und republikanischen Senators von Connecticut Prescott Bush und der Bruder des
republikanischen Gouverneurs von Florida, Jeb Bush. Auch die GOP hat ihre
Politik-Dynastie, auch wenn die Bushs nicht das Charisma, die Ausstrahlung und
Berühmtheit der demokratischen Kennedys haben, die in den USA die Rolle einer
Art Ersatz-Königsfamilie einnahmen.
Am Parteitag der GOP in Philadelphia fand ein Schaulaufen
von Minderheiten statt: Schwarze, Hispanics, Indianer und Schwule (die über
alles, nur nicht übers Schwulsein reden durften) gingen ans Rednerpult. Die
Republikaner haben nicht gerade den Ruf, diesen Minderheiten besonders gewogen
zu sein. Doch seitdem der rechtsextreme Pat Buchanan die Partei verlassen hat,
ist das Image nicht mehr so dunkel. Bush jr. könnte in dieser Hinsicht gar
reale Veränderungen in der Partei der WASP durchsetzen. Er spricht nicht nur
fliessend Spanisch, sondern seine Berater Powell und Rice sind schwarze
Amerikaner und als Ideologe des "mitfühlenden Konservatismus" gilt
der jüdische Ex-Marxist und Yale-Absolvent Marvin Olasky. Dieser ist Journalistikprofessor an der Universität
von Texas in Austin, Senior Fellow am Acton Institute und einer der Berater von Bush. Mitte der 1990er Jahre
gehörte Olasky zum Umkreis der von Newt Gingrich geführten republikanischen "Revolution"
und verfasste The
Tragedy of American Compassion. Soeben hat Olasky das Buch Compassionate Conservatism
- einen Leitfaden für eine allfällige Bush-Regierung? - veröffentlicht.
Gemäss den Umfragen führt Bush im Rennen um die Präsidentschaft im
Moment klar mit über 10% Vorsprung vor dem demokratischen Kandidaten Al Gore. Bush
dürfte nicht nur
mehr Minderheiten, sondern auch mehr Frauen wie in der Vergangenheit auf die
Seite der Republikaner ziehen. Hinzu kommt, dass der Spruch, "It's the
economy, stupid", bei dieser Wahl keine Rolle spielen dürfte. Die lange
Phase des Wachstums in den USA wird nicht exklusiv den Demokraten und Al Gore
angerechnet. Im Gegenteil, Bush wird in Umfragen die grössere Wirtschaftskompetenz
zugebilligt. Sollte die Spekulationsblase der neuen Technologiewerte in den
USA, wo das Wachstum weitgehend auf privatem und kreditfinanzierten Konsum
basiert, zum Platzen kommen und der USA eine sanfte Landung verwehrt bleiben, so könnten zwar Sicherheitsreflexe den
Demokraten und ihrer stärker auf Regierungskontrolle und Arbeitnehmerschutz
ausgerichteten Politik mehr Wähler bringen, gleichzeitig würde ihnen aber
die Überhitzung angekreidet werden, wodurch sie wiederum andere Wähler
verlieren würden. So oder so, die Chancen der GOP auf eine
Rückkehr ins Weisse Haus stehen bestens. Die Mehrheit der Amerikaner scheint
von der Clinton-Administration und ihren Skandalen genug zu haben, auch wenn
sie mehrheitlich gegen das von den Republikanern angestrebte Impeachment des Präsidenten war.
Der blasse Al Gore erscheint
ihnen als eine ungewollte Fortsetzung des Bestehenden - auch wenn er
weitgehend unbeteiligt war. Können die Demokraten, mit Hilfe des Kandidaten
für die Vizepräsidentschaft, Lieberman, das Ruder nochmals herumwerfen?
Es sieht nicht so aus. Doch der Wahlkampf ist noch nicht vorbei und
die Zeit der Schlammschlacht und "dirty tricks" beginnt erst.
Bush griff die Militärpolitik der Regierung Clinton teilweise zu unrecht
scharf an. Sprecher des Pentagons merkten umgehend an, dass 1999 das Jahr mit
der grössten Lohnerhöhung (pay rise) war, die das Militar je gekannt habe:
über 4% mehr wurde an Sold ausbezahlt. Auch sonst übertrieb Bush einige
Schwachpunkte wie fehlende Ersatzteile. Von nicht einsatzfähigen Truppen
könne keine Rede sein, meinte das Pentagon. Dies sind allerdings "harmlose Ungenauigkeiten".
Doch persönliche Attacken aus den Lagern beider Kandidaten könnten bald folgen,
insbesondere von demokratischer Seite, sollten diese auf Grund schlechter
Wahlprognosen in Torschlusspanik verfallen.
Nachfolgend die englische Originalversion der acceptance speech
von George W. Bush jr., die er als
Kandidat für das Präsidentenamt der USA am Parteitag der GOP in Philadelphia
am 4.
August 2000 gehalten hat. Nicht ganz gelungen sind die gewollten
Wiederholungen, die an Martin Luther Kings "I have a dream"-Rede
erinnern. Ebenfalls eher peinlich ist der Vergleich mit George Washington zu
Beginn der Rede.
Thank you very much. Thank you. Mr.
Chairman, delegates and my fellow citizens, I proudly accept
your nomination. Thank you. Thank you for this honor.
Together,
we will renew America's purpose. Our founders first
defined that purpose here in Philadelphia. Ben Franklin was here, Thomas
Jefferson and, of course, George Washington, or, as his friends, called him,
George W.
I am proud to have Dick Cheney by my side.
He
is a man of integrity and sound judgment who has proven that
public service can be noble service. America will be
proud to have a leader of such character to succeed Al Gore as vice president
of the United States. I'm grateful for Senator John
McCain. I appreciate so very much his speech two nights ago. I appreciate his
friendship. I love his spirit for America. And I want to thank the other
candidates who sought this office, as well. Their convictions have
strengthened our party.
I'm especially grateful tonight to my family. No matter
what else I do in my life, asking Laura to marry me was the best decision I
ever made. And to our daughters, Barbara and Jenna,
we love you a lot. We're proud of you. And as you head off to college this
fall, don't stay out too late. And e-mail your old dad once in a while, will
you? And mother, everybody loves you and so do I. Growing
up -- growing up, she gave me love and lots of advice. I gave her white hair. And
I want to thank my dad, the most decent man I have ever known. All
of my life I have been amazed that a gentle soul could be so strong. Dad,
I am proud to be your son.
My father was the last president of a great generation,
a generation of Americans who stormed beaches, liberated concentration camps
and delivered us from evil. Some never came home. Those who did put their
medals in drawers, went to work and built on a heroic scale highways and
universities, suburbs and factories, great cities and grand alliances, the
strong foundations of an American century.
Now the question comes to the sons and daughters of this
achievement, what is asked of us? This is a remarkable moment in the life of
our nation. Never has the promise of prosperity been so vivid. But
times of plenty like times of crises are tests of American character. Prosperity
can be a tool in our hands used to build and better our country, or it can be
a drug in our system dulling our sense of urgency, of empathy, of duty. Our
opportunities are too great, our lives too short to waste this moment. So
tonight, we vow to our nation we will seize this moment of American promise.
We will use these good times for great goals. We
will confront the hard issues, threats to our national security, threats to
our health and retirement security, before the challenges of our time become
crises for our children. And we will extend the
promise of prosperity to every forgotten corner of this country: to every man
and woman, a chance to succeed; to every child, a chance to learn; and to
every family, a chance to live with dignity and hope.
For eight years the Clinton-Gore administration has
coasted through prosperity. The path of least resistance is always down hill.
But America's way is the rising road. This nation is daring and decent and
ready for change. Our current president embodied the
potential of a generation: so many talents, so much charm, such great skill.
But in the end, to what end? So much promise to no great purpose. Little
more than a decade ago, the Cold War thawed, and with
the leadership of Presidents Reagan and Bush, that wall came down.
But instead of seizing this moment, the Clinton-Gore
administration has squandered it. We have seen a steady erosion of American
power and an unsteady exercise of American influence. Our military is low on
parts, pay and morale. If called on by the commander in chief today, two
entire divisions of the Army would have to report, ``Not ready for duty, sir.''
This administration had its moment, they had their
chance, they have not led. We will.
This generation -- this generation was given the gift of
the best education in American history, yet we do not share that gift with
everyone. Seven of 10 fourth-graders in our highest poverty schools cannot
read a simple children's book. And still this administration continues on the
same old path, the same old programs, while millions are trapped in schools
where violence is common and learning is rare.
This administration had its chance. They have not led.
We will. America has a strong economy and a surplus.
We have the public resources and the public will, even the bipartisan
opportunities to strengthen Social Security and repair Medicare. But this
administration, during eight years of increasing need, did nothing. They
had their moment. They have not led. We will.
Our generation has a chance to reclaim some essential
values, to show we have grown up before we grow old. But when the moment for
leadership came, this administration did not teach our children, it
disillusioned them. They had their chance. They have
not led. We will. And now they come asking for
another chance, another shot. Our answer: Not this time, not this year.
This is not the time for third chances; it is the time
for new beginnings. The rising generations of this
country have our own appointment with greatness. It does not rise or fall with
the stock market. It cannot be bought with our wealth. Greatness is found when
American character and American courage overcome American challenges. When Lewis Morris of New York was about to sign the
Declaration of Independence, his brother advised against it, warning he would
lose all his property. But Morris, a plainspoken founder, responded, "Damn
the consequences, give me the pen.'' That is the
eloquence of American action. We heard it during World War II when General
Eisenhower told paratroopers on D-Day morning not to worry. And one replied,
"We're not worried, General. It's Hitler's turn to worry now.'' We
heard it in the civil rights movement, when brave men and women that did not
say, "We shall cope,'' or "We shall see.'' They said, "We shall
overcome.''
An American president must call upon that character.
Tonight
in this hall, we resolve to be the party of - not of repose but of reform. We
will write not footnotes but chapters in the American story. We will add the
work of our hands to the inheritance of our fathers and mothers and leave this
nation greater than we found it. We know the test of
leadership. The issues are joined. We will strengthen Social Security and
Medicare for the greatest generation and for generations to come. Medicare
does more than meet the needs of our elderly; it reflects the values of our
society. We will set it on firm financial ground and make prescription drugs
available and affordable for every senior who needs them. Social
Security has been called the third rail of American politics, the one you're
not supposed to touch because it might shock you. But if you don't touch it,
you cannot fix it. And I intend to fix it.
To the seniors in this country, you earned your benefits,
you made your plans, and President George W. Bush will keep the promise of
Social Security, no changes, no reductions, no way. Our
opponents will say otherwise. This is their last parting ploy, and don't
believe a word of it. Now is the time for Republicans and Democrats to end the politics of fear and save Social
Security together. For younger workers, we will give
you the option, your choice, to put part of your payroll taxes into sound,
responsible investments. This will mean a higher
return on your money in over 30 or 40 years, a nest egg to help your
retirement or to pass on to your children. When this
money is in your name, in your account, it's just not a program, it's your
property. Now is the time to give American workers
security and independence that no politician can ever take away.
On education, too many American children are segregated
into schools without standards, shuffled from grade to grade because of their
age, regardless of their knowledge. This is discrimination, pure and simple,
the soft bigotry of low expectations. And our nation should
treat it like other forms of discrimination: We should end it. One
size does not fit all when it comes to educating our children, so local people
should control local schools. And those who spend
your tax dollars must be held accountable. When a school district receives
federal funds to teach poor children, we expect them to learn. And if they
don't, parents should get the money to make a different choice. Now
is the time to make Head Start an early learning program to teach all our
children to read and renew the promise of America's public schools.
Another test of leadership is tax relief.
The
last time taxes were this high as a percentage of our economy, there was a
good reason; we were fighting World War II. Today our high taxes fund a
surplus. Some say that growing federal surplus means Washington has more money
to spend. But they've got it backwards. The surplus
is not the government's money; the surplus is the people's money. I
will use this moment of opportunity to bring common sense and fairness to the
tax code. And I will act on principle. On principle, every family, every
farmer and small-business person should be free to pass on their life's work
to those they love, so we will abolish the death tax. On principle, no one in America should have to pay more than a third of their
income to the federal government, so we will reduce tax rates for everyone in
every bracket. On principle, those with the greatest
need should receive the greatest help, so we will lower the bottom rate from
15 percent to 10 percent and double the child credit. Now
is the time to reform the tax code and share some of the surplus with the
people who pay the bills.
The world needs America's strength and leadership. And
America's armed forces need better equipment, better training and better pay. We
will give our military the means to keep the peace, and we will give it one
thing more: a commander in chief who respects our men and women in uniform and
a commander in chief who earns their respect. A
generation shaped by Vietnam must remember the lessons of Vietnam: When
America uses force in the world, the cause must be just, the goal must be
clear and the victory must be overwhelming. I will
work to reduce nuclear weapons and nuclear tension in the world, to turn these
years of influence into decades of peace. And at the earliest possible date,
my administration will deploy missile defenses to guard against attack and
blackmail. Now is the time not to defend outdated
treaties but to defend the American people.
A time of prosperity is a test of vision, and our nation
today needs vision. That's a fact. That's a fact. Or
as my opponent might call it, a risky truth scheme. Every
one of the proposals I've talked about tonight he's called a risky scheme over
and over again. It is the sum of his message, the politics of the roadblock,
the philosophy of the stop sign. If my opponent had
been at the moon launch, it would have been a risky rocket scheme. If
he had been there when Edison was testing the light bulb, it would have been a
risky anti-candle scheme. And if he had been there
when the Internet was invented ... He now leads party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, but the only thing he has
to offer is fear itself. That outlook is typical of
many in Washington, always seeing the tunnel at the end of the light.
But I come from a different place and it has made me a
different leader. In Midland, Texas, where I grew up, the town motto was,
"The
sky's the limit,'' and we believed it. There was a restless energy, a basic
conviction that with hard work, anybody could succeed and everybody deserved a
chance. Our sense of community was just as strong as that sense of promise. Neighbors helped each
other. There were dry wells and sand storms to keep you humble, lifelong
friends to take your side, and churches to remind us that every soul is equal
in value and equal in need. This background leaves
more than an accent, it leaves an outlook - optimistic, impatient with
pretense, confident that people can chart their own course in life. That
background may lack the polish of Washington. Then again, I don't have a lot
of things that come with Washington. I don't have enemies to fight. I have no
stake in the bitter arguments of the last few years. I want to change the tone
of Washington to one of civility and respect. The
largest lesson I learned in Midland still guides me as governor of Texas:
Everyone, from immigrant to entrepreneur, has an equal claim on this country's
promise. So we improved our schools dramatically for children of every accent,
of every background. We moved people from welfare to work. We strengthened our
juvenile justice laws. Our budgets have been balanced with surpluses. And we
cut taxes, not only once, but twice. We accomplished
a lot. I don't deserve all the credit, and I don't
attempt to take it. I work with Republicans and Democrats to get things done.
A bittersweet part of tonight is that someone is missing,
the late lieutenant governor of Texas, Bob Bullock. Bob
was a Democrat, a crusty veteran of Texas politics, and my great friend. We
worked side by side, he endorsed my re-election, and I know he is with me in
spirit in saying to those who would malign our state for political gain: Don't
mess with Texas. As governor, I've made difficult
decisions and stood by them under pressure. I've
been where the buck stops in business and in government. I've been a chief
executive who sets an agenda, sets big goals, and rallies people to believe
and achieve them. I am proud of this record, and I am prepared for the work
ahead. If you give me your trust, I will honor it.
Grant me a mandate, I will use it. Give me the opportunity to lead this nation,
and I will lead.
And we need a leader to seize the opportunities of this
new century - the new cures of medicine, the amazing technologies that will
drive our economy and keep the peace. But our new economy must never forget
the old, unfinished struggle for human dignity. And here we face a challenge
to the very heart and founding premise of our nation.
A couple of years ago, I visited a juvenile jail in
Marlin, Texas, and talked with a group of young inmates. They were angry, wary
kids. All had committed grown-up crimes. Yet when I looked in their eyes, I
realized some of them were still little boys. Toward
the end of the conversation, one young man, about 15 years old, raised his
hand and asked a haunting question, "What do you think of me?'' He seemed to
be asking, like many Americans who struggle: Is their hope for me? Do I have a
chance? And, frankly, do you, a white man in a suit, really care about what
happens to me? A small voice, but it speaks for so
many: single moms struggling to feed the kids and pay the rent; immigrants
starting a hard life in a new world; children without fathers in neighborhoods
where gangs seem like friendship or drugs promise peace, and where sex sadly
seems the closest thing to belong. We are their country too. And each of us
must share in its promise or the promise is diminished for all. If
that boy in Marlin believes he's trapped and worthless and hopeless, if he
believes his life has no value, then other lives have no value to him, and
we're all diminished.
When these problems are not confronted, it builds a wall
within our nation. On one side are wealth, technology, education and ambition.
On the other side of that wall are poverty and prison, addiction and despair.
And my fellow Americans, we must tear down that wall. Big
government is not the answer, but the alternative to bureaucracy is not
indifference. It is to put conservative values and conservative ideas into the
thick of the fight for justice and opportunity. This is what I mean by
compassionate conservatism. And on this ground, we will lead our nation. We
will give low-income Americans tax credits to buy the private health insurance
they need and deserve. We will transform today's housing rental program to
help hundreds of thousands of low-income families find stability and dignity
in a home of their own. And in the next bold step of welfare reform, we will
support the heroic work of homeless shelters and hospices, food pantry and
crisis pregnancy centers, people reclaiming their communities block by block
and heart by heart. I think of Mary Jo Copeland, whose ministry called Sharing
and Caring Hands serves 1,000 meals a week in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Each
day, Mary Jo washes the feet of the homeless and sends them off with new socks
and shoes. "Look after your feet," she tells them. "They must
carry you a long way in this world, and then all the way to God."
Government cannot do this work. It can feed the body, but it cannot reach the
soul. Yet, government can take the side of these groups, helping the helper,
encouraging the inspired. My administration will give taxpayers new incentives
to donate to charity, encourage after-school programs that build character,
and support mentoring groups that shape and save young lives.
We must give our children a spirit of moral courage because their character is
our destiny. We must tell them with
confidence that drugs and alcohol can destroy you, and bigotry disfigures the
heart. Our schools must support the ideals of parents, elevating character and
abstinence from afterthoughts to urgent goals. We must help protect our
children in our schools and streets, and by finally and strictly enforcing our
nation's gun laws. But most of all, we must teach our children the values that
defeat violence. I will lead our nation toward a culture that values life -
the life of the elderly and sick, the life of the young and the life of the
unborn. Good people can disagree on this issue, but surely we can agree on
ways to value life by promoting adoption, parental notification. And when
Congress sends me a bill against partial-birth abortion, I will sign it into
law.
Behind every goal I've talked about tonight is a great hope for our country. A
hundred years from now this must not be remembered as an age rich in
possession and poor in ideals. Instead, we must usher in an era of
responsibility. My generation tested limits, and our country in some ways is
better for it. Women are now treated more equally. Racial progress has been
steady; it's still too slow. We're learning to protect ... we're learning to
protect the natural world around us. We will continue this progress, and we
will not turn back. At times we lost our way, but we're coming home. So many
of us held our first child and saw a better self reflected in her eyes. And in
that family love, many have found the sign and symbol of an even greater love,
and have been touched by faith.
We discovered that who we are is more than important than what we have. And we
know we must renew our values to restore our country. his is the vision of
America's founders. They never saw our nation's greatness in rising wealth or
in advancing armies, but in small, unnumbered acts of caring and courage and
self-denial. Their highest hope, as Robert Frost described it, was to occupy
the land with character. And that, 13 generations later, is still our goal, to
occupy the land with character. In a responsibility era, each of us has
important tasks, work that only we can do. Each of us is responsible to love
and guide our children and to help a neighbor in need. Synagogues, churches
and mosques are responsible, not only to worship, but to serve. Corporations
are responsible to treat their workers fairly and to leave the air and waters
clean. And our nation's leaders our responsible to confront problems, not pass
them onto others. And to lead this nation to a responsibility era, that
president himself must be responsible. So when I put my hand on the Bible, I
will swear to not only uphold the laws of our land, I will swear to uphold the
honor and dignity of the office to which I have been elected, so help me God.
I believe the presidency, the final point of decision in the American
government, was made for great purposes. It is the office of Lincoln's
conscience, of Teddy Roosevelt's energy, of Harry Truman's integrity and
Ronald Reagan's optimism. For me, gaining this office is not the ambition of a
lifetime, but it is the opportunity of a lifetime, and I will make the most of
it. I believe great decision are made with care, made with conviction, not
made with polls. I do not need to take your pulse before I know my own mind. I
do not reinvent myself at every turn. I am not running in borrowed clothes.
When I act, you will know my reasons. And when I speak, you will know my heart.
I believe in tolerance, not in spite of my faith, but because of it. I believe
in a God who calls us not to judge our neighbors but to love them. I believe
in grace because I've seen it, and peace because I've felt it, and forgiveness
because I've needed it. I believe true leadership is a process of addition,
not an act of division. I will not attack a part of this country because I
want to lead the whole of it. And I believe this'll be a tough race, down to
the wire. Their war room is up and running, but we are ready. Their attacks
will be relentless, but they will be answered. We are facing something
familiar, but they're facing something new. We are now the party of ideas and
innovation, the party of idealism and inclusion, the party of a simple and
powerful hope. My fellow citizens, we can begin again. After all of the
shouting and all of the scandal, after all the bitterness and broken faith, we
can begin again.
The wait has been long, but it won't be long now. A
prosperous nation is ready to renew its purpose and unite behind great goals,
and it won't be long now. Our nation must renew the hopes of that boy I talked
with in jail and so many like him, and it won't be long now. Our country is
ready for high standards and new leaders, and it won't be long now. An era of
tarnished ideals is giving way to a responsibility era, and it won't be long
now.
I know how serious the task is before me. I know the presidency is an office
that turns pride into prayer. But I am eager to start on the work ahead, and I
believe America is ready for a new beginning. My friend, the artist Tom Lea of
El Paso, Texas, captured the way I feel about our great land, a land I love.
He and his wife, he said, "Live on the east side of the mountain. It's
the sunrise side, not the sunset side. It is the side to see the day that is
coming, not to see the day that has gone." Americans live on the sunrise
side of the mountain, the night is passing, and we're ready for the day to
come. God bless. God bless America.
Siehe auch die Artikel zu Cheney,
Gore und Lieberman.
Für amerikanische Medien, Parteien (GOP: George W. Bush; Democrats: Al Gore;
Green Party: Ralph Nader; Reform Partei: in zwei feindliche Laber um Pat
Buchanan bzw. John Hagelin gespalten), Think Tanks und Regierungsstellen: Links.
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